THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IS HELD
HOSTAGE: Keywords: Elections, Democratic
Party, Democratic Socialists of America DSA, communisms, American Marxism,
industrial armies, labor unions, factionalism, ideological extremism,
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The Chinese People's National Congress, detail of the delegates. A large portion are the Communist Party Army representatives |
THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IS
HELD HOSTAGE
The Chinese People's National Congress. Perfect for listening, obeying, and clapping
A Meditation about the Communist
Takeover in progress
By Xuan Quen Santos
PARTISANSHIP, IDEOLOGY, TRIBALISM,
EXTREMISM AND FACTIONALISM
An open community system
in which many voices are heard and taken into account when a decision that has
broad community implications is made is not ideological in nature, partisan or
divisive. It is a method to arrive at decisions in a large group. This has been
an aspiration of human groups since diverse opinions and different perceptions
are considered. It is not an easy process even in small groups. Think of a
typical family with three children (ages 14, 9 and 5) trying to decide where to
go for Sunday lunch in a situation of multiple choices. The larger the family
and the increased number of choices adds complexity to the process. There are
also other circumstances when a group must urgently arrive at a decision facing
limited choices, none of which will satisfy everyone. Think now of a larger
group, such as a family reunion. Expand the group to your HOA or club. Move on
to the city, county and state… Reaching an agreement is a challenge.
We just entered the
final weeks of a mid-term, national election cycle. The noise, the cost, the
promises, the accusations, the lies, the choices…are trying the patience of the
most patriotic voter and questioning his faith in the system. Most fingers are
pointing to what is indistinctly labeled as extreme partisanship, ideological
tribalism, and extremism. It may be all three. The Founding Fathers were
aware of the dangers the new country would face by not finding ways to agree on
how to face and solve the problems of the future. The word they used was “factionalism”.
In the XVIII century there were no political organizations in any way similar
to today’s political parties. The word ideology did not even exist, and they
were convinced the old feuds over blood, ethnicity and religion would soon wane
under the fundamental limitations to the power of government established by the
Bill of Rights. Of course there were disagreements, but like President Thomas Jefferson
described their common goal, “differences of opinion are not differences
of principle”.
As I see the problem
today, it is precisely because the differences are of fundamental principles;
the factions today are split between those that begin their political intentions
within the principles established in the constitutional legacy of the United
States of America, and those that start by attempting to dismantle its
carefully constructed edifice abusing the liberties the constitution they hate
provides them. The extreme left is out to destroy the foundations of this
country. It is not a foreign attack. It is from within. It is not a matter of
opinions.
THE ORIGINAL RIGHT-LEFT MODEL
The political
designation of “right” or “left” is ancient, but its meaning has changed over
time. In antiquity, whether Greek or Roman politics, it was the simplest way to
vote in an assembly without taking too much time to count. When a final
decision was made, whether in the agora or in the forum, the presiding officer
would simply call for the voters to physically move in the room. If they voted
“yea”, they would move to his right side. If they voted “nay”, they would move
to his left. It was seldom necessary to count as the simple observation of the
size of the groups would suffice. For high level trials involving public
punishments were involved, the system was secret. “Ostracized” and
“black-balled” are the remnant terms. The majority of oyster shells or black
pebbles in the urn were for punishment, instead of white pebbles. Right or left
had no politically ideological or partisan significance of permanent
consequence.
POWER POSITIONS FROM THE TOP DOWN
During Medieval times, small
kingdoms began to form in what had been the Roman colonies and provinces, the
power structure that emerged was for the ruler (originally a tribal chief or a
Roman retired commander) to be owed support (fealty) from his vassals or knights
in the equivalent of a military order of ranks. At the bottom were the
conquered occupants that became serfs (servants) attached to the land. The
realm was distributed in a similar pyramidal structure. The ruler had councils that
provided counsel. They evolved into courts, with advisers and obedient
executives, and usually a mix of the powerful and religious scholarly prelates,
often delegates of the Pope. But the ruler was not bound to the advice or
opinions received. Historic precedents, such as the challenge to the king’s
power by his knights that produced the Magna Carta turned the operation of the
court into a system of rights and laws. The layers of ranks took the form of a
rigid “class” or “caste”.
This gradually changed
from the romantic style of the Arthurian legend and the knights of the round
table to the elaborate royal court of Louis XIV, the absolutist Sun King. As
the kings created permanent bureaucracies and professional armies, the Medieval
lords lost power, except for the wealth of their distant estates. The court under
the royals was broken into three rigid layers of people. That was the original
definition of “a class” of people. An example is the French system of the États
Généraux (Estates General) assembly that was seldom convened: the clergy
(First Estate), the nobility (Second Estate), and the commoners represented by
delegates of the autonomous cities and towns, including the peasantry (Third
Estate). Everything had to do with the land and its resources under their
control. Each estate counted as one third of the consultation which usually
made the Third Estate the least influential regardless of their larger number.
ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS FACTIONS APPEAR
In England, the sequence
of rebellions by the nobles and Magna Cartas that stopped them, resulted in
increasing rights of the “peers”. It eventually evolved into the parliamentary
system that became a legislative body. Since the regime of King Henry VIII, the
power of the clergy was much diminished after losing most of their lands and
the remnant became his personal vassals. Much like the French system, the power
of the state was somewhat divided into the hereditary House of Lords and the elected
House of Commons.
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| House of Commons of the United Kingdom |
The English Civil War
(1642) resulted in the Catholic king’s loss of his head. Headless King Charles
II was supported by his powerful first cousin King Louis XIV. Parliament eventually
invited a foreign non-Catholic ruler to assume the throne under the name of
“the Glorious Revolution” (1688). Constitutional monarchies were the result.
The labels of Whig and Tory began as a conflict between church denominations
mixed with the power struggles over the successions between Scotland and
England. Gradually, they became voting blocs, similar to the idea of a
political party but without a permanent or ideological organization.
THE SEATS ON THE RIGHT ARE THE KING’S
SUPPORTERS
Since Henry VIII,
tradition in England has it that the supporters of the King -the party in
government- sit to the right of the dais or the throne, in both houses. What
tradition calls “the loyal opposition” sits on the left side. In this scheme,
ideologies can move around, depending on the elections. At the moment in 2026,
the Labor (socialist) Party is in government, thus it is on the “right”. During the American Revolution, the Tory party
controlled the British government and supported the authoritarian monarchy. The
ideas of John Locke, Algernon Sidney and Adam Smith were popular with the Whig
party. Those inclinations were reflected in the colonies that debated
independence or a share of power in the British parliament without the tag of
“right” or “left”.
IDEAS BEGIN TO BECOME POLITICAL
IDEOLOGIES
Up to the XVIII
century, elections and voting were not frequent in France. In fact, they were
not defining of the king’s final decision; they were “consultations”. They were
always concerned about the issues of the moment. Wars, taxes and disputes about
succession and power, or religious affiliation were common topics. The century
that separates the English Civil War and the French Revolution introduced
substantial changes in the political discourse, language and topics. This is the period of The Enlightenment when
the Divine Power of Kings was questioned, when natural rights were assumed as
universal, when the idea of a “social contract” opened the door to alternative
designs for the political system, when self-determination and independence
became a goal of leaders. Up to then, it was not possible to identify political
parties with ideologies and defined policy paths towards a future vision that would
drive their political activity. It is also the century during which the
fundamental ideas that would shape economic science were discussed. The forces
of the market and free trade were recognized as the source of wealth creation
in opposition to the monopolies created by royal charters and the idea of
expansive colonies. The clash of ideologies and policies had its opening forum at
the start of the French Revolution. It is also the dawn of political parties,
not as a projection of “class” interests but as associations organized to
participate in government through their own political conceptions.
Already experiencing a
severe fiscal and economic crisis, King Louis XVI issued a convocation to the
Assembly of the Estates General in 1789 under pressure of growing popular
discontent and violent street riots. The Assembly had not met since 1614. Twelve
hundred deputies arrived at Versailles on May 4. The representatives of the
Third Estate, the Commoners, were the largest number as they filled the room on
May 5. The Assembly took place in a warehouse cleared for the occasion that
usually stored the props and decorations used for celebrations and performances
at the palace. Within the room, too small for the large gathering, the clergy
and the landed nobility occupied the seats to the right side of the King who
was seated at the center of one end on an elevated dais. The commoners, most of
them standing, occupied the space on the left.
After long winded
speeches by the king, his advisors and members of the clergy, it became clear
there was a division. The first two estates would support the monarchy, and the
commoners wanted reform. The commoner faction became contentious. Many sterile
days of debates led the deputies of the commoners to conclude they would be overruled
by the two privileged classes. On June 17, the commoners rebelled and formed
the revolutionary National Assembly, not as part of the ruling state, but of
the people. The revolution began. They moved the meeting to the palace Tennis
Courts Hall and obtained the concession that voting would be by majority of
delegates, of which they were in control.
The Estates General meeting at the tennis courts in Versailles
The Estates General
ceased to exist. On July 9, the National Assembly transformed itself into the
National Constituent Assembly and began to function as a governing body and
constitution-drafter. Following the storming of the Bastille on July 14, the assembly
of commoners became the de facto government of France. As could be expected,
the traditional divisions marked the early days of debate. Factions became
clear. Congregated on the right were the conservatives who wanted little change
in the system, among them many large farmers and urban merchants. In the center
sat those that proposed a constitutional monarchy along the lines of the
British system, many of them lawyers and professionals. The revolutionaries
sat on the left without a unified plan; some wanted a republic as opposed to a
king, others were more radical. Among them were the agitators of the mobs that
were already spreading violence and a takeover of the property of the church
and the nobility. The right-left model was limited to the discussion of the
new form of government, a road to grab the power of the king.
In August 1789, the revolutionary
government abolished the feudal system, including the titles of nobility, their
tax exemptions and other privileges. In November, the Assembly suspended the
judicial system and confiscated all the property of the church, including land,
universities, hospitals, hospices, schools, and of course, monasteries,
convents and temples. In other words, the First and Second Estates were
eliminated. It implied the monarchy was next, as it happened. The rest of the
history of failure of the French revolts is well known and has been rewritten
by socialists as a major success. My comments are limited to the ideologies and
political parties.
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| The French reign of terror executes Queen Marie Antoinette Habsburg de Bourbon |
Ideological currents
were just forming and differentiating. This is reflected in the names they
received, without a clue of ideology, unless you followed the speeches and
publications of the leaders and influencers of the time. Some of the names
were: Feuillants, Jacobins, Cordeliers, Montagnards, Girondins, and sans-culottes.
The “without-culottes” were the origin of the partisan political mob. At the
time, knee breeches (culottes in French) were the fancy attire of aristocratic
men. Working men wore long pants (pantaloons). Gradually, the radical
anti-monarchy, anti-church and anti-nobility took control. The Jacobins,
Girondins and Montagnards, who sat on the left, became radicalized and
eventually eliminated the conservatives and moderates. The best known leader
was Robespierre who became a tyrant leading the Montagnards in creating what
historians labelled The Reign of Terror. The sans-culottes became the foot
soldiers of the revolution, the urban mob. At the end, nobody sat on the
right side. Chaos, anarchy, hyperinflation and scarcity followed the street
riots and the vindictive operation of the Committee on Public Safety led by
Robespierre. In 1794, Robespierre was tried, condemned and guillotined by the
political machinery he created.
Between 1789 and 1799,
France moved through four main revolutionary governments: the National
Assembly, the Legislative Assembly, the National Convention, and the Directory.
The first French republic ended when the military hero of the Revolution,
Napoleon Bonaparte, took over to establish order. The First Republic was over. It
did not take long for him to become absolute dictator with the title of Consul,
a title of ancient Roman origin. Later he crowned himself Emperor and expanded
his control over most of Europe. In 1815, Napoleon was defeated and the
monarchy re-established. In 1830, a second French Revolution (revolt) overthrew
the new Bourbon king, and a constitutional monarchy under Louis Philippe, a
distant relative, was introduced. In 1848, Amid revolutions across Europe,
Louis Phillippe was overthrown and the Second Republic was established. A
nephew of Napoleon was elected to another constitutional assembly, and
eventually was elected President. Not long after, he staged a coup d’etat and
became Emperor as Napoleon III. An objective review of France’s political
history of the last 250 years does not point to a real historic revolution. It
points to a series of revolts that go through cycles of changes. In that sense,
it is revolving, going round-and-round, and always returning to the same place.
It is like replacing a flat tire with another tire that will also bust. The
real revolution in political and economic systems happened across the Atlantic.
As I write this note, another round of the Parisian mob violence is
beginning to spread to other cities and countries.
IDEOLOGY IS BORN IN JAIL
Literally,
“ideology” was born out of the Reign of Terror during the first French revolt. The term was proposed by a young French aristocrat
while he spent the year 1794 as prisoner of the Revolution awaiting to be tried.
Antoine Destutt de Tracy was a friend of Lafayette, then in charge of the Civil
Guard and prisons during the revolts. Influenced by studying Locke and
Condillac, and after the experiences of the times, he became a leading
proponent of the idea of a liberal, electoral republic identified with a free
market economy. After his release he proposed “the science of ideas” that
combined practical as well as philosophical elements. His writings influenced
Thomas Jefferson, who edited two of his books in English. Tracy went on to
become a respected scholar and professor while maintaining a limited
participation in politics.
The term ideology has
acquired a less ambitious and more narrow meaning in political science. At the
time Tracy was writing, the seduction of anything science or scientific was
captivating the interest of many intellectuals and literati. Marx used it to
brand his ideas about socialism/communism. Comte turned the humanities into the
social sciences with positivism. Theology was expelled from the universities
taken over by the state. Research, science and technology were the focus of the
new universities. If his intention was to do away with philosophy, he was not
successful. Ideologies are now considered just a specific view of a
political idea that is accompanied with policy directives and courses of
action. In some circles, the term ideology has a pejorative connotation.
Napoleon, a pragmatic politician without principles, used it to insult his
critics. Marx did the same. The term caught on regardless of its original
intent. It has been useful to identify political currents by distinguishing
them by their ultimate objectives and policy proposals.
THE …ISMS APPEAR
The only significant
change the French political revolts contributed to history is the
identification of ideologies and parties with significant names. The change
happened between the first revolts in 1789 and the third revolt of 1848. Paris
was the international battleground of the mobs where Marx and Engels met and
trained as agitators, ending exiled in England.
A good guide to the
appearance of ideological currents that have become political parties can be
found by reading “The Law” (1850), by Frederic Bastiat. He was elected to the national legislative assembly
after the French Revolution of 1848 (The third revolt). Bastiat died not long
after and “The Law” is really his posthumous account of the ideas debated at
the time on the floor of the assembly, or in the press.
Bastiat and few others
were identified as “liberals” for their defense of free trade, inspired
by Adam Smith and Richard Cobden’s calls for the elimination of protectionism
and monopolies. Of course, the “monarchists” were still around and they
were the “conservatives”. The “ultra-royalists” wanted a return
to absolutism. The innovation came from the new “isms”. “Socialism”
is mentioned with the names of Blanc, Cabet, Considerant, Fourier, Robert Owen
(The English and American investor in cooperative factory towns), and Saint-Simon.
“Terrorism” starts with names as Robespierre, by then already recognized
as the founding of the Reign of Terror during the first revolt. He is followed
by Villaud-Barenne and Saint-Just who was nicknamed the Archangel of Terror.
Proudhon completes the list as the self-proclaimed “anarchist”, known for
his phrase “property is theft”. Bastiat made a connection with the
frequently used policy for “managing” the economy and the new “isms”. “It
is to be pointed out, however, that protectionism, socialism, and communism are
basically the same plant in three different stages of growth. All that can be
said is that legal plunder is more visible in communism because it is complete
plunder.” Protectionism is not a political ideology; it is an economic
policy that protects national production from foreign competition by
establishing trade barriers and tariffs. Monarchism, Republicanism, Conservatism,
Liberalism, Socialism, Communism, Terrorism and Anarchism were in the process
of establishing their ideological identities while street violence was running
rampant as “the mob”.
SOCIALISM, COMMUNISM AND MARXISM
It was during the same
period that agitators from all over Europe flocked to Paris. Among them were
young Marx and Engels. Working with English leaders of a coalition of trade
unions from different countries, they established The Communist League
in 1846. As police persecution increased, many of the radicals left. Marx and
Engels moved to London where the Communist League commissioned them to write
their launching political platform. 1848 marks the publication of the Communist
Manifesto and its 10 policies to destroy capitalism. Much later, their
ideological construct began to take form and spread. It was after four decades
they proclaimed it a scientific theory. They appropriated for their ideology
the name of “scientific socialism”, and threw all the other related
“…isms” in a basket to be ridiculed: religious, communitarians, romantic, and
utopian socialists, even ideologues. Their own construct clearly indicates that
socialism will result in a workers’ paradise called communism. By then,
the political brands seemed clear. The ideas promoted by Marx and Engels have
become known plainly as Marxism since the “scientific” brand was controversial
and questioned from the start.
AMERICAN FACTIONALISM WAS NOT
IDEOLOGICAL
From 1765 to 1776, the
British colonies in America were divided as the British king’s abusive troops
were arriving and new taxes were imposed. Some wanted a negotiated political
participation in Parliament. Others wanted their own king. A few began to call
for independence with a new form of government. After 1776, the decision to
become independent and establish a new government was firm. The concerns about
the future divided the political leaders of the Continental Congress into two
main factions. They did not identify with the “isms” appearing in Europe, but
promoted the debate about the powers delegated to the new government. The faction
of Whigs, called Federalists when debate began, did not propose a true federal
system, but wanted a “strong” federal (national) government. Adams, Hamilton
and initially Madison were the leaders. On the opposition were the proponents
of a federal system that would respect and respond to the sovereignty of the
former colonies recognized as equal but separate states. Jefferson, Mason,
Henry and later Madison, plus a large number of those who history has vilified
as “anti-Federalists”, eventually created the first political organization with
a name. They established the Republican party. Historians have re-named them in
more recent times as Democratic-Republican, although that combination did not
appear until after 1830. The adjective “democratic” was an aspiration of the
Republican vision used to describe their aim at a wide popular political participation
of a nation mainly of small farmers and business proprietors. They actually
despised democracy as a failed system, particularly envisioning a very large
country in the near future. To add to the
confusion, the initial agreement of all factions to act jointly received the
name of “Articles of Confederation”. Ideological “isms” were absent when the
agreement was reached in 1789 with the final compromise.
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| The Second Continental Congress of America meeting in Philadelphia |
As any compromise is
not definitive, and the line of separation of powers is not clear beyond
dispute, it has been a source of friction and review of the terms for 250
years. It was clear that the idea of an all-powerful federal government, even
with statutory limitations, always has the risk identified in Lord Acton’s
dictum, “power tends to corrupt, but absolute power corrupts absolutely”.
True federalism has the risk of dissension and division, as it happened during
the American Civil War. The US system is neither one; it is not a compromise of
both. It is a new system where the two ideas are balanced by the people
delegating specific functions to the different levels of government with
considerable independence from each other; a limited degree of sovereignty empowers
the government of an incorporated town, county, state and the federal
government. Without much specificity, the balancing act is kept together by the
constitutional edifice and the judicial review of changes or challenges under
the loupe of the guiding principles of the original Constitutional documents. Some
friction can always be expected during the process of adjustment, but not dissension
and division once settled.
By the 1830’s, the main
issues of debate had been put aside. The old Whig designation disappeared.
Western expansion, avoiding another European war, growing concerns about Indian
lands and slavery in the south introduced a new faction. The democratic Republicans
split. Jackson and the southern politicians took the Democratic emblem, leaving
the Republican party with its current designation. It is important to point
that the old model of left-right political designations did not apply in the
United States. There was a growing concern about the “isms” showing up in the
European revolts and their possible importation into the new country. The
halls where the government assemblies met did not have established seating or
sides and “factionalism” happened about issues, not about the new ideologies.
Not having seating arrangements by party or ideology, but rather by region,
state and seniority fostered interaction and civil discourse rather than “group
think”, party obedience and concentration of power on the party leaders.
Ideological
factionalism did not take its present form until the supermajority voting
blocks of the Democratic Party enjoyed the power of managing the country’s
economy for four terms, from the Great Depression until post WW II. The “New
Economics” of inflation promoted by Lord Keynes provided the tools for vote buying
and the growth of the federal government.
During the same period
of the XIX century, the European countries went through the process of
political reorganization and redrawing of maps caused by multiple wars and
revolutions. Ideologies that had no borders became the foundation of national
political parties that adopted similar platforms. It was inevitable that some
of them would operate without borders. The names of the many “isms” the
French revolts infected the world with did not take hold in the United States
until the American country became involved in the European wars. Before then,
without political support, odd, exiled or persecuted political European visionaries
came to America. They founded many experimental settlements of
communitarian-communist groups that did not last very long. Names such as New Harmony by Robert Owen, the
Shakers, the Perfectionists of Oneida, The Amana of Iowa, Cabet’s Icarians, the
Phalansteres of Fourier are now just footnotes of history. Massachusetts
inherited the failed communal settlement of the early Pilgrims, and replicated
the failed idea again in Brooks Farm and The Fruitlands near Harvard.
The many early revolutionary
“isms” did not prosper in America but not because they were prohibited,
defeated or attacked. As Chris Jennings explains in The Story of American
Utopianism (2016), “As the Republic surged westward, the dream of a
transformed, egalitarian social order burned off like mist under the hot rising
sun of American Prosperity.”
AN AMERICAN INTERLUDE
The two visions that
occupied the early American debate can be exclusionary (A strong national
government vs a system of multiple layered governments with specific functions,
and a federal government with subservient powers) but they do not have to. In
fact, the tension that arises in search of a complementary balance of those two
visions is a characteristic of the American political system. Since the “isms”
of ideological currents have dominated the language and the debate, it should
be obvious that those that support a “strong national federal government” would
find it expedient to intrude, limit or simply ignore states and citizens’
rights in order to promote their greater power agenda. Articles 9 and 10 of the
Bill of Rights (Ten Amendments to the US Constitution) are the only safeguard
if We, The People, remember we have them. The possibility of a single “ism” to
dominate all levels of the layered governments exists, but it is unlikely that
it would happen again.
IDEOLOGICAL FACTIONALISM TAKES OVER
The growing extreme
factionalism we have been observing in American politics is new. The seating
arrangement in the houses of the US Congress in left and right factions dates
only to the last few years of the Democratic Party led by “moderate socialist” FDR
and “radical anti-fascist, anti-imperialist populist” Henry Wallace (These are
the descriptors used by the free press and historians to describe their
inclinations). Wallace was censured internally for cooperating with the Stalin
regime without authorization, and he lost the final nomination for VP to Harry Truman.
The language of right and left did not enter the American political arena
until the fourth presidential term of FDR. The new seating decision facilitated
the partisan control of the elected party members. Since then, the members of
the DP sit on the left side of the hall, as viewed from the back (The right
side of the presiding officer).
In the early days of
the founding of the republic, in PA, NY and DC, the elected representatives of
the states sat by lottery. A few “august” members had been honored with a
permanent “desk” that served as their office. This was the case of former
President John Quincy Adams. Members of Congress did not have offices until
1908. Civil discourse and personal interaction with opponents were the ambient
of the hall. In the XIX century, seating was organized more or less by region,
and also by seniority. This kept the representatives of each state in close
proximity. Very few had desks. Some sat on stools. After the Civil War and
until 1908, the current and former Speakers, Committee Chairmen, and leaders of
the parties had assigned seats in the front. Everyone else was seated by
lottery. After 1908, when individual offices became available, desk arrangement
was kept only in the Senate.
During WW II, the
Democratic Party maintained a supermajority in both houses, and they decided to
sit as a block on the left side of the halls, as seen from the public (as the
public enters from the back). Republican Party members sat on the right side. By
forcing this seating arrangement that broke tradition, the Democratic Party
became the leftist party in the United States, and joined the leftist
organizations of the rest of the world. It also institutionalized tribalism, factionalism,
extreme partisanship, and political ideology. The end of the process is
what we observe now, in 2026.
THE INTERNATIONAL UNDERGROUND EXTREME
LEFT IS HERE
The
grassroots! The lowest level! The disenfranchised! The forgotten! The
oppressed! The poor and exploited! The Marxist ideological scheme plainly stated
that those would rise from their alienation and create a violent upheaval that
would lead to paradise. It did not happen. The free enterprise system they
vilified as capitalism ended up raising the level of “the proletariat” all over
the world. Rigid classes disappeared and upward mobility characterized the
emergence of middle classes that did not exist before, particularly in America.
Once socialists accepted that reality, socialism exists only in the minds of
twisted intellectuals and their followers. The original labor movement of the
late 1800s has disappeared and most of it became disentangled from
Marxist-communist influence. Most, not all.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS' ARMIES
!Workers
of the world, unite! So did the 1848 famous phrase of the Communist Manifesto
call the workers to action. They aimed at the employees of industrial and large
agricultural operations of the developed countries. They labeled them “industrial
armies”. They also aimed at the growing numbers of trade guild members and
apprentices that were losing their privileges of “closed shop” monopolies and setting
prices. The industrial jobs were new, and the farming jobs were ancient. Just a
century later, there are no “guilds” left, except for old professions and
trades that still require “licenses” controlled by them. The number of
industrial workers has been dropping since then as a proportion of total
employment. The world has moved from an agricultural economy, and then to an
industrial era; the XX century turned into a service economy, and we are now labeled
to be an information economy. Competition for qualified workers guarantees
mobility and better salaries. In the USA, with the exception of the seasonal horticultural
workers, agricultural employees tied to the farms are non-existent; the population
living in farming areas is less than 1.5% of the total, when in 1850 was close
to 60%.
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The Chicago Haymarket Riot of May 1886. An icon for communists around the world is celebrated as International Labor Day, on May 1 |
The
promotion of the “industrial armies” was an early objective of socialist agitators.
Although Marxist claimed they had forecasted the future, they never saw it coming.
In the United States, the growth of labor union employees from 1890 to 1914
multiplied by six, something normal for any startup. From the start of the XX
century, union membership rose from an early 3% of the labor force to a top of
26% reached in 1953. This growth is deceiving as it was the result of specific
mandates and privileges given to the labor unions by FDR’s government to obtain
their political support. The New Deal included the approval in 1933 of the
National Industrial Recovery Act guaranteeing to labor the right to collective
bargain, a right enlarged by the Wagner Act of 1935. The organization of new
labor unions led to a frenzy of strikes organized by the CIO. Many were aimed
at specific non-supporter businesses such as the automobile and steel
industries. For the unions, aside from the Wagner Act, the two most important victories
to their demands in this period were the Social Security Act of 1935 and the
Fair Labor Standards Act (Wages and Hours Law) of 1938. Shortly after the war
ended, much of the national production began to free its management from the
government war powers. The economy grew in new sectors and since 1953, the
total number of union workers as proportion of total employment declined. As
unionization in the private sector declined, the Democratic Party saw one of
its voting blocs shrink. The trend was altered in 1962, when the Kennedy-Johnson
issued Executive Order 10988 granting federal employees the right to collective
bargaining. Since then, private sector unions have continued to decline at the
same time public sector unions have taken control of several sectors of the
federal government, particularly in education. The influence over the states’
rights to regulate and manage their educational systems greatly increased when
the Carter administration made a last minute concession to the teacher’s unions
by creating in 1979, the federal Department of Education at a cabinet level.
Does this not explain a lot about the decline in national standards? Does this not
explain the virulent ideological infection that has spread to undermine the American
legacy of freedom?
 |
Randi Weingarten, President of the American Federation of Teachers (2 million) Socialist agitator, important figure in the LGBTQ+ movement Union teachers control the school systems in NY, Chicago and Los Angeles |
The workers’ revolution
requires agitation and agitators, creators of crisis and violence. While the
laborers enjoy their Fords 150 and a family vacation on their travel trailer,
the useful idiots and their managers riot and demand to destroy the US
constitution. Saul Alinsky moved from the slaughterhouse unions of Chicago to
the suburbs around the university. Pupils like Barack Obama the community
organizer, and Hillary Clinton the perennial angry candidate, learned the
lesson. The political system has to be attacked from the streets but taken over
through the electoral process. Never popular enough, the radical left has been
working the grassroots disguising their identities and intentions and taking
over the bureaucracy of governments. Just look at the plethora of NGOs,
disguised as non-governmental organizations. They have been really used as
government contractors by the leftist governments to expand what they could not
do within the law. It is only now that they have become visible at the national
level as extreme democrats. For several generations now, they have been
organizing and winning elections at the low levels: school boards, county and
city governments, college boards, professional associations, state houses of
representatives and senates…It is obvious that they believe the moment has come
to move up. They have to consolidate their brands, and the Democratic Party has
become the vehicle.
 |
Norman Thomas, socialist candidate to the US Presidency several times Listen to what they say and believe them |
It is not true the
political system of the United States is a two-party system. At the federal stage, the two-party structure
dominates the discussion. There is a lot more going on that has not received
enough attention. The gradual takeover of the Democratic Party by radical
extremist minorities has been a growing phenomenon. It really responds to the idea
of organizing at the base. Just a few agitators can create chaos. Just a
few dissenters can swing the majority count one way of the other. The
Democratic Party is about to be taken over by hardline ideologues that respond
to different visions of the socialist scheme.

|
| Vintage political poster of the 1936 election |
Before the
inscriptions for the 2026 election cycle close, there are already 55 political
parties qualified to appear in the ballots of the federal elections. Some parties are registered in multiple states. Only
the Republican Party and the Democratic Party are registered in all 50 states
and Washington, D.C. Three other established parties have been recognized in
past elections in more than 10 states. They already have some name recognition
and have been able to elect candidates to federal office. They are the
Libertarian Party that has qualified in 35 states; the Green Party has
qualified in 20 states, and the Constitution Party in 12. The requirements for
qualifications vary from state to state. There have been other organizations
that existed to promote specific agendas, such as the Christian Coalition, or
several promoters of the legalization of marijuana or abortion.
There are many other
small political organizations registered as political parties. Some have
existed for many years but often disappear not long after. In many of them it
is easy to identify their ideological genealogy in the French revolts. In
the federal election of 2024, the following names of parties registered for
elections in some states: Socialist, Socialism and Liberation, Socialist
Equality, Socialist Workers, Young People’s Socialist League, American
Solidarity, Workers, Progressive, and Communist. Their own descriptions and
platforms describe their Marxist and revolutionary ideology. Not identified
as political parties, there are many college and university chapters of the
same organizations that have existed since the dawn of the XX century. The DSA,
Democratic Socialists of America, has not been a national party. They appeared
in the 1980s out of the fusion of the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee
(DSOC) and the New American Movement (NAM). Since then, they have been actively
promoting candidates in local elections. They will participate in the
federal election in 2026 under the disguise of the Democratic Party.
There is also an
American Independent Party established in California, which is not to be
confused with voters registering as “independent”. Independent voters have no
party affiliation. What has been a common occurrence is that a few politicians
have labeled themselves as independent to hide their true inclination, but they
end up joining a major party; Senator Bernie Sanders from Vermont has
identified as an Independent that caucuses with the Democratic Party. Earlier
in his career, he had declared himself socialist, or social democrat. He now
does not conceal his ideology. Since his deal with the Democratic Party by offering
his “Bernie Bros” in support of the DP to attain control of the majorities in
Congress, he effectively opened the door to DSA candidates that have become
national figures and will stand for elections in 2026.
THE DEMOCRATIC
SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA TAKE OVER
As a bloc with its
own specific agenda, they will control the Democratic Party even if they are only
a handful. They can prevent their “big tent party” from obtaining a majority
vote they would otherwise have by counting the DSA bloc. They will hold the DP
hostage.
BOOK TO EXPAND ON THIS TOPIC:
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A treatise on communism, its roots and its current status around the world. Provides all the answers needed to the current questions about the new rise of communism in the United States. Chapters on the totalitarian roots of radical Islam and the current situation in China. Marxism is dead, but not buried yet. The last holdout of Marxist devotees are the formerly respectable American colleges. Guess where the daughter of Xi is going to school: Harvard. Guess where DEI spread from: Harvard.